Brazil’s far-right president Jair Bolsonaro is famed for his pugnacious style. After seven turbulent months in office, he has found a way to use divisive tactics to his advantage.

Mr Bolsonaro has governed his inner circle through unpredictability and brashness while bringing his family, the only people he truly trusts, into the inner sanctum for support — spurring fears of the rise of yet another Latin American political dynasty. 

As the president presses for his son, Eduardo, to become ambassador to Washington, the FT has profiled his closest associates. So far institutions have stayed the appointment, but the move typifies the Mr Bolsonaro’s instinct to strengthen the role of the ideologues in his retinue while demoting some pragmatists.

These confidantes have turned against ministers for ideological impurities, prompting sackings. Some critics have complained that Mr Bolsonaro has spent more time stoking controversy than jump-starting a sluggish economy. 

“There has been a changing balance of power and influence among those groups, with Bolsonaro clipping the wings of everyone who could overshadow him”, said Matías Spektor, a professor of politics at the Fundação Getúlio Vargas, an academic institution in Brazil.

Offsetting this, the influence of the centrist speaker of the lower house Rodrigo Maia is gaining ground, advancing much-needed economic reforms while holding back the president’s identity politics and culture wars agenda much to Mr Bolsonaro’s distaste.

The ideologues

Eduardo Bolsonaro, congressman

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His position as head of Congress’ foreign affairs committee and growing role in US-Brazil relations makes the president’s third son a de facto foreign minister. Now the proposed appointment of Eduardo Bolsonaro as ambassador to Washington has reignited concerns about nepotism. So far, institutions have blocked him. Yet the Brazilian president even threatened to sack his foreign minister and replace him with Eduardo if lawmakers did not approve his choice for the coveted diplomatic job. A gun-toting former police officer, the 35-year old has cultivated close relations with the Trump family and with Steve Bannon, the former White House strategist who is a focal point for populist leaders.

Carlos Bolsonaro, city councillor

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The combative city councillor for Rio de Janeiro and the president’s middle son has emerged as a de facto spokesman for his father. Known as “Pit Bull”, he has gained a reputation for relentlessly hounding the president’s rivals and attacking senior government figures, some of whom have been swiftly sacked. The 36-year old co-ordinated his father’s social media strategy during last year’s presidential election and is credited with expanding the then-candidate’s voter base. He is also heavily influenced by Olavo de Carvalho, the family’s intellectual guiding light.

Olavo de Carvalho, intellectual guru

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The president’s foul-mouthed intellectual guru has been likened to rightwing US political pundits such as Rush Limbaugh and Kellyanne Conway. The pipe-smoking writer and former astrologist uses his social media accounts to attack the president’s foes, has described Nazism as a leftist ploy and launched expletive-filled rants about gay rights and leftwingers. He was honoured by Mr Bannon in Washington. “Without Olavo, there would be no President Bolsonaro,” Eduardo Bolsonaro has said. 

The soldiers

Hamilton Mourão, vice-president

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The vice-president, a retired army general and former peacekeeper, is seen by some as the “adult in the room” in his boss’s ideologically charged administration. Following anti-China comments by Mr Bolsonaro, which unnerved Beijing, Mr Mourão travelled to Beijing to soothe tensions with President Xi Jinping. His pragmatism has made him unpopular with some ideologues, especially Mr de Carvalho. “Some of us see him as enemy number one,” said one figure close to Mr Bolsonaro’s circle. As an elected official, however, he cannot be fired.

Augusto Heleno, national security adviser

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The president’s top security official acts as a bridge between the former generals and the civilian appointees who make up Mr Bolsonaro’s team. Initially tipped as a running mate, the retired general was instead tapped as the president’s national security adviser. Prone to outbursts, Mr Heleno had taken charge of peace missions in Haiti and served as military commander of the Amazon. Though he is close to the president, he has also come under pressure from Carlos Bolsonaro after almost 40kg of cocaine was found in Spain aboard a Brazilian military aircraft serving as the advance guard for the president on its way to the G20 summit in Japan in June.

Tarcísio Gomes de Freitas, infrastructure minister

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Mr Gomes de Freitas has taken charge of a portfolio of assets including roads, airports and state-owned enterprises, some of which have been earmarked for privatisation. Like his boss, the former army captain attended the Agulhas Negras military academy. He also worked in peacekeeping missions in Haiti. Mr de Freitas’ discretion and loyalty have made him a favourite even though he previously worked under Dilma Rousseff, the leftwing former president despised by Mr Bolsonaro and his cohort.

The economists

Paulo Guedes, economics minister

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The former financier is in charge of one of the administration’s top priorities: pushing a pensions overhaul through Congress that aims to save R$1tn ($250bn) over 10 years. He has also promised sweeping free-market reforms and an end to years of state interventions. Mr Guedes studied at the University of Chicago during the 1970s, where he was heavily influenced by Milton Friedman. He later taught economics in Chile during the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet alongside a group of Friedman disciples known as the “Chicago Boys”.

Marcos Troyjo, foreign trade secretary

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Mr Troyjo was instrumental in brokering the landmark deal last month between the South American Mercosur trading bloc and the EU after 20 years of negotiations. The accord was viewed as a significant victory for the Bolsonaro government. “If there was any doubt that Brazil is opening up its economy, this is a major statement,” Mr Troyjo told the Financial Times. Suave and affable, the foreign trade secretary is another of the practical players in the administration. He is a diplomat, economist and former professor at Columbia University in New York.

Rogério Marinho, social security secretary

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The experienced congressman has gained prominence for helping push Mr Guedes’ pensions bill through the lower house of Congress after months of wrangling. “When it comes to passing pension reform, Rogério Marinho has no doubt been the key player from the government side,” said Sérgio Fausto of Fundação Fernando Henrique Cardoso, a think-tank. Mr Marinho is one of only a handful of members of Mr Bolsonaro’s government from the centrist Brazilian Democratic Movement party, once the dominant political force but defeated in last year’s elections. 

The congressmen

Rodrigo Maia, Speaker of lower house 

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The Speaker of Brazil’s lower house emerged from the key vote to overhaul the country’s pension system as a kingmaker, having whipped lawmakers to support the bill. Asked recently if he was becoming Brazil’s most powerful man, he replied: “I am just doing my job — and it is not an easy one.” Born into one of Brazil’s leading political families, the 49-year-old is a leading member of the centre-right Democrats party. He has also been attacked on social media for acting as a bulwark against the identity politics pushed by Mr Bolsonaro and his supporters.

Daví Alcolumbre, Senate president

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The Senate president is a relatively new face who has been working closely with Mr Maia. Part of the “lower clergy” of backbench lawmakers — which included Mr Bolsonaro before he became president — he rose to prominence this year after defeating Renan Calheiros for the coveted role in the upper chamber. Mr Alcolumbre is economically aligned with Mr Guedes, the economy minister, yet has kept some independence from Mr Bolsonaro’s government on ideological matters, such as firearms. “Violence is not fought with violence,” he said after the Senate defeated a gun ownership bill. 

Alexandre Frota, congressman

An adult film actor-turned-congressman was a full-throated Bolsonaro supporter during last year’s election. Yet he has become a critic of the way Mr Bolsonaro and his inner circle govern. This led to his expulsion from the president’s conservative Social Liberal party (PSL) this week. “Bolsonaro is the one who disappointed me the most,” he recently told Epoca magazine. Mr Frota has also taken on the ideologues such as Mr de Carvalho calling him a “rat”. He has shown a pragmatic streak by working closely with Mr Maia and Mr Guedes to push through economic reforms in Congress.

The outcasts

Gustavo Bebianno, former secretary-general of the presidency

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As secretary-general of the presidency, Mr Bebianno was at one time among Mr Bolsonaro’s closest aides. His abrupt sacking in February followed a dispute with the president and his sons, setting the tone for the chaotic early part of the administration. The former leader of Mr Bolsonaro’s PSL was accused of lying about alleged misuse of campaign funds within the organisation. He recently told the magazine Crusoé that the president “knows he was absolutely unfair and that erred badly with me”.

Carlos Alberto dos Santos Cruz, former government relations minister

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The retired general in June became the most senior figure to exit the Bolsonaro government when he was fired after coming under pressure from the ideologues such as Mr de Carvalho. “Social media sparked a phenomenon in which everyone thinks himself a William Shakespeare,” he said afterwards, arguing that allowing Brazil to become “radicalised” by identity politics was “stupidity”. The former minister had previously led peacekeeping missions in Haiti and the Democratic Republic of Congo. 

Joaquim Levy, former president of BNDES

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The head of Brazil’s powerful development bank quit the post in June after only a few months in the job under pressure from Mr Bolsonaro, who complained: “I am fed up with Levy”. The former chief financial officer of the World Bank was recruited by Mr Guedes, but was never fully trusted by Mr Bolsonaro because he previously served as finance minister in Ms Rousseff’s government.

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